Funding Journalism in Yemen

Table of contents

Summary

There are currently about 235 media outlets active in Yemen, including 32 satellite channels, 37 radios, 17 newspapers and magazines, and 149 digital newspapers.^[1]

The war and its repercussions have negatively affected media ownership, independence, funding, and journalists’ rights, and also caused the suspension of 165 media outlets in Yemen (out of a pre-war 365 total), while 137 new media outlets were established during the war.^[2]

The parties to the conflict control most of the media in Yemen, according to a survey conducted by Yemen’s Journalists Syndicate and the International Federation of Journalists.^[3] Yemen is governed by conflicting de facto authorities: Ansar Allah Houthis, and the government which is recognized by the United Nations. Its administrative and political geography is controlled by at least five major political parties. These are composed of the People’s General Congress party, the Islah party, the Southern Transitional Council, and the National Resistance Forces. Each party is supported by, or allied with, regional states. The media outlets of Ansar Allah Houthis are funded by Iran and Hezbollah, while the government’s media outlets are funded by Saudi Arabia.

Some of Islah’s media is funded by Qatar, such as Yemen Shabab TV, Al Mahriah TV, and Belqees TV,^[4] while that of the People’s General Congress, the National Resistance, and the Southern Transitional Council are funded by the Emirates.

Though there are a healthy number of media outlets in Yemen, there is a startling lack of data regarding their financial situations. The report from the Yemeni Journalists’ Syndicate indicates that there are 365 total outlets split into 111 businesses and 254 non-profit entities, however, among these outlets not a single one publishes its financial statements. This is an indictment on the state of the media industry as a whole in the country, and is likely due to the fact that not many outlets are operating professionally due to the war; a theory supported by the report from the YJS, which also revealed that only 40 of these outlets have ongoing contracts with journalists.^[5] Therefore, the content that is being produced is likely not to a high ethical or professional standard for the majority of these outlets, and there is no financial data to show us how successful they are, or how far their reach truly goes.

Further to the disarray in terms of reporting standards, there is also evidence to show that many journalists are operating under contracts which do not account for the danger involved with journalistic work in a time of civil war.^[6] They do not offer any kind of insurance or hazard pay, no guarantees, but the journalists are forced to take what they can get, because work is becoming harder and harder to find under a regime which does not support freedom of expression, and a militaristic opposition determined only to further their own agenda.

History

Media during Yemen’s unity, 1990

The media in Yemen witnessed relative prosperity during Yemen’s unity in 1990, where the constitution approved democracy, political pluralism and economic freedom, and the constitution and law adopted freedom of opinion and expression, freedom of the press and publication, and freedom of media ownership. Most political parties owned media outlets like Al Methaq, al Thawri, Al Wahdawi, and Al Sahwah, and there was also the emergence of few independent media outlets in the early years, such as the Yemen Times newspaper.

However, this phase witnessed restrictions on freedom of the press and publication, violations against writers and journalists, and a number of cases were filed against the background of publishing.

Media following the 2011 uprising

Following the ousting of President Ali Abdullah Saleh in 2011, whose political regime controlled the country for 34 years and opposed media freedom, Yemen made a new political agreement. The Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) created an initiative in 2012 after the Arab Spring uprisings including an agreement to share the government between the ruling party and the opposition, and holding a national Dialogue Conference.^[7]

During this period, many Yemeni satellite channels began to spring up overseas, and private radio stations began to populate the countryside. For the first time, there was also a plurality of online news publications.^[8]

Yet, despite the positive outlook for peace, after the initial outbreak of war in 2014, Saudi-led intervention multiplied and expanded the division and violence, which initially began as a local political conflict. Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates also funded dozens of media outlets in the anti-Houthi camp, and Houthis and their media, in turn, were funded by its regional rival Iran.

Media outlets: ownership, finance and independence

Overview

For almost a decade since the war broke out on 26 March 2015, Yemen’s media landscape has been characterized by volatility and transformation. The conflict has attracted many regional and international players, and has affected both press freedom and freedom of expression.

Media outlets have faced many challenges since the war’s beginning, which has spelled the end for some, and a significant amount of journalists have been put out of work, especially in Sana’a.^[9]

After taking control of large areas of the country, Ansar Allah Houthis gradually took control of state-owned media and confiscated most of the media owned by their political opponents. The STC, especially in Aden, did a similar thing, taking control of state-owned media, confiscating the headquarters of the Journalists Syndicate and Yemen’s news agency Saba in Aden, and changing their names. Houthi and STC de facto authorities have also committed violations against journalists, with many detained or disappearing.

Out of 60 radio stations, only 18 are independent of the control of the warring parties; of 132 newspapers and magazines, just 32 are independent; of 118 news websites, only 31; and of the 26 satellite channels available on television, a meager 3 remain free of the parties’ control.^[10]

However, the political divisions, the multiplicity of parties to the conflict, and since 2011, the rise of parties other than the familiar traditional parties, has created a new media landscape. Political parties and businessmen are taking advantage of the deteriorating economic situation and the dire living conditions to pay journalists for coverage, and even acquire entire media outlets themselves. For example, Almasirah is now the tongue of Houthis, Aden Al Mustakillah is owned by the Southern Transitional Council, and al-Jumhuriah TV is the tongue of the national resistance.^[11]

The current media discourse reflects the polarization between the parties to the conflict, which are both supported by internal and external financiers.^[12] Interestingly, Yemen’s political parties and international organizations have actually been increasing journalists’ salaries since the war broke out.^[13] The media is part of the war machine, so it must be fuelled, while at the same time it is a shadow of its former glory amid the political division and violence.

Accounting for the fact that most media outlets are owned by political entities, including parties to the conflict, often traditional broadcasts or printed media approach the point of unprofessional coverage which is fully in line with the agenda of the owners. This even goes as far as propaganda, disinformation, and outright inaccuracies published by each side. This has resulted in distrust between the audience and traditional media outlets, which pushes the public to ignore them and look for other news sources, such as social media networks and applications.^[14]

About 60% of all Yemen’s media outlets are not compliant with the professional standards and ethics of media coverage, which include explaining the context of the information provided, giving facts and figures, quotes and citation of sources, balance, and clarity of language, especially in regards to the coverage of the conflict.^[15] The news reports are focused from one single viewpoint, partially or fully dominated by hate speech or language designed to incite anger, and entirely one-sided.^[16]

The lack of impartiality and objectivity when tackling conflict-related issues means that the related war conditions, including the difficult economic situation, has badly affected the performance of local media outlets and Yemeni journalists. For example, digital media reports do not provide testimonies of witnesses, including police and hospital workers, or photographs of victims. Each media source reflects only the single story and opinion which serves their political orientation and the views of their funders. Mostly, media outlets do not cover the topics that much concern the audience, and rather are dedicated to political themes instead of humanitarian, health, education or entertainment programs.^[17]

Media under conflict and polarization during the war: 2015-2024

A number of conflicting regional powers and their allies inside Yemen have invested millions of dollars in the media, particularly since the war erupted, with the aim of shaping public opinion, and thus shaping the country’s political, economical and administrative future. 

In addition to the conflict and war carrying on on the ground, there is a parallel war on the media front, where powers have polarized media outlets and journalists, exploiting the challenges created by the conflict in order to gain ground. Journalists are mostly divided into five distinct categories: a group loyal to the government, one affiliated to Houthis, a group with the Southern Transitional Council, a group with the National Resistance, and some others loyal to the Islah political party and General People’s Congress.

The STC has been involved in Yemen’s government for more than two years, however, its media message currently calls for separation and autonomy, in contrast to its government partners. STC-affiliated media content is characterized by its distinct praise of the governments of the UAE and Saudi Arabia.^[18]

Houthis portray themselves in their media outlets as pious leaders who seek good, and rid people of corruption and “Saudi aggression.” Zawamil, which are tribal poems and songs adopted by the Houthis for military mobilization, are intensively broadcasted. Houthi propaganda rhetoric in the media has focused on injecting anti-Saudi content, as well as denouncing Yemen’s UN-recognized government, the United States, and Israel.^[19]

This polarization is supported on a regional level by Saudi Arabia, Iran, the UAE, and Qatar. Iran provided arms, training, military, and diplomatic support to Ansar Allah Houthis and led them to control large parts of the country, as well as supporting them with the funding and management of their media outlets. On the other hand, Saudi Arabia and the United Emirates led a military coalition participating in the war against Houthis. They allied with local parties opposing Houthis, including the 5 key parties, funding them in establishing media platforms, outlets, and companies. Qatar has also funded a number of media outlets, mostly affiliated to the Islah party, like Al Mahriah TV, Yemen Shabab TV, and Belqees TV.^[20]

In light of widespread hunger, salary cuts, scarce job opportunities and the closure of a number of media outlets, many journalists are forced to practice media work for the benefit of the parties to the conflict, even if this contradicts their professional values.^[21] Since 2015, the majority of media outlets have not been registered at the Ministry of Information in the different areas of de facto authorities.^[22]

Since the war erupted, the financial backing of media outlets has doubled, to include regional powers and states which have their own agenda in Yemen. The warring factions have sought to exploit the unrest in the media landscape by creating digital platforms and television channels to express their own views through their local proxies involved in the conflict.^[23]

The war has reshaped the media landscape in Yemen in accordance with the interests of parties to the conflict and other influential stakeholders. The ruling political authorities and influential parties have contributed to attracting and buying many media outlets or workers and harnessing them for the benefit of their own agenda.^[24]

Media independence in Yemen

The emergence of independent media dates back to the early 1990s. For example, in this decade the Yemen Times was established as the first independent English newspaper in the country.^[25]

The technological revolution and the internet era was an important turning point in the history of Yemeni independent media, as many journalists were able to bypass legal restrictions and establish many digital newspapers, TV channels and radio stations, taking advantage of the absence of legislative texts restricting the new media.

With the increasing role played by the independent media in Yemen, both printed and online, the outbreak of the war in 2015 represented a devastating setback. The non-war state was the catalyst for the independent media to flourish, and the aggravation and spread of conflict has led to oppression and the silencing of independent media by de facto authorities, in favor of the proliferation of war media.

The security challenges represented by closures, confiscations and prosecutions, as well as the economic issues facing independent media institutions and independent journalists alike, have contributed to making the media vulnerable to political polarization by the parties to the conflict. In a hostile war environment in which there is no legal or judicial protection, in light of the decline of freedom of expression, democracy and human rights, the right to access information is almost non-existent.

The impact of television

TV channels, and those with top viewership in particular, reflect the ongoing conflict and division. Each channel serves certain agendas and policies, external, internal, or both, adopting the positions and views of the forces that own these channels. These channels cover their news and analysis in a structural manner without relying on photography or videography. There is no TV station which publishes annual financial statements. A report issued by the Center for Studies and Economic Media confirmed that approximately 21% of the programs broadcast by television channels did not provide any sources or references to the information provided to the public, and nearly 51% of the total monitored programs showed a decline in the level of neutrality in television programs and news.^[26]

There are 32 currently active TV satellite channels targeting Yemeni people, 24 owned by parties to the conflict that rule the divided Yemen as de facto authorities. These include the Houthi-run channels, the internationally recognized government-controlled channels, the Southern Transitional Council channel, the National Resistance channels, the General People’s Congress affiliated channels, and the Islah party affiliated channels. 2 channels are owned by religious groups, and 6 are independent and generally not broadcasting any news or political content. For example, they are dedicated to advertising (Sama Yemen TV), sports (Maeen TV), or social content (Al-Saeedah and Almoghtrb Alyamen). 16 TV channels, forming 50% of the total, are funded by regional players including Saudi Arabia, Iran and Hezbollah, the United Arab Emirates, and Qatar.

Political TV news and shows command the top interest of the Yemeni public, with 73% of respondents indicating they watch them regularly, followed by humanitarian programs, entertainment, and economic programs in fourth place.^[27]

State-owned domestic broadcasters

Between 1990-2006, the ownership of audio-visual media in the Yemeni television market was an exclusive monopoly of the government, except for satellites and on-air broadcasting from outside the borders, in the era of globalization and open spaces.

Before Yemen’s unity in 1990, there was only one television channel in Sana’a, the capital of the former northern Yemen Arab Republic, and another channel in Aden, the capital of the southern People’s Democratic Yemen Republic. Yemen’s visual media still lacks any kind of broadcasting rights, copyright, qualitative reporting, images or video.

Currently, the Yemeni government controls four mainstream channels.^[28]

Yemen satellite channel

The official channel of the Republic of Yemen. It began broadcasting in 1975, covering all of Yemen’s territories, and some neighboring areas such as Saudi Arabia and Oman. It has been televised on-air from Riyadh, Saudi Arabia since late 2015. It is run and funded by Yemen’s UN-recognised government. It presents news reports about current conflicts, and political and cultural shows.

Suhail Satellite Channel

Normally broadcasting Yemen’s public and political affairs and presenting news reports and bulletins. It played a role as an opposition media outlet against President Saleh’s regime during Yemen’s uprising in 2011-2012, and has also been key in opposing the rule of Ansar Allah Houthis since 2014. It started an experimental broadcast from Kuwait on June 15 2009, but then shut down, picking up again from the UK on August 26 2009. The channel is owned by businessman and tribal leader Hamid Abdul Allah Al-Ahmar, one of the leaders of the Islah party, and mostly expresses their political views.

Al Sharyah Satellite Channel

The channel launched in April 2015. It supports the former Yemeni President Abd Rabbu Mansour Hadi, the presidential leadership council, and the Saudi-led coalition. It broadcasts on the satellite Nilesat from Riyadh and presents political and ideological shows.

Al-Masirah Satellite Channel

Launched on March 23, 2012 on Nilesat. It is the mouthpiece of Ansar Allah Houthis, focused on political and ideological content. It covers news of war and conflict in Yemen from a Houthi angle. It reflects the views and thoughts of Houthis, what is called “the resistance axis”, and the Iranian coalition. Until 2014, it was run and supervised by Hezbollah and funded by Iran.

Yemen Today Satellite Channel

A satellite channel affiliated with the General People’s Congress Party GPC, launched on January 1, 2012. It reflects the views of the GPC, loyal to former Saleh’s regime. It was stormed by Houthi militants on December 2, 2017 following the clashes in Sana’a between Houthis and the former President Ali Abdul Allah Saleh. Afterwards, it was televised on air from Cairo on the Nilesat satellite.

Yemen Shabab Satellite Channel

A local satellite channel broadcasting political shows on Nilesat. It was established in December 2011 following Yemen’s uprising, and it mostly reflects the views of the Islah political party. It is funded by Qatar.

Radio broadcasting

The radio is a key media channel in Yemen, particularly in rural areas. Just 28.85% of Yemen’s population lives in cities, compared to 71.15% in rural areas, with a countrywide illiteracy rate of about 38.8%.

Until the 2000s, it was widely regarded that the radio stations tended to acquire higher audiences than television across Yemen, especially as a result of the startlingly low rate of access to electricity across the population, in addition to blackouts, internet outages, and poor service.

Radios in Aden

The first private radio station was launched in 2014, Radio Lana 91.9, run by former Minister of Information, Nadia Al-Saqqaf. It was closed due to a financial crisis on May 1, 2024.^[29]

In 2018, a second private radio station emerged, Bandar Aden 99.9, owned by Raafat Rashad. Its content is directed by the executive director Adnan Al-Shaibani. It includes social networks and live broadcasting on the Internet, as its programs are transmitted by both audio and video.^[30]

Radio Hona Aden was launched in 2019, owned by the Southern Transitional Council, and run by Ahmed Hashim. In 2023, Dan FM 89.3 was also launched, a musical artistic radio station concerned with southern art, and Noor Aden Radio, for the Holy Quran 94.1.

In 2020, Radio Adania 88.9 was launched, also owned by Raafat Rashad and managed by Dalal Aref Omar. It focuses on youth songs and music. It has more than 40,000 followers on Facebook and 13,000 subscribers on YouTube.

In 2024, the Aden Al-Ghad company launched Aden Al-Ghad Radio 89.9, a public commercial political news radio station run by journalist Fathi Ben Lazraq.

There are also 4 religious Islamic radio stations broadcasting from mosques in the city of Aden; Al Salam Radio 88.3, al-Firdaws Radio 87.7, Salafi Ibn al-Qayyim radio 88.5, and Al-Iman radio 89.9.

There are radio stations from the northern governorates that reach Aden, including Balqees 94.3, Sam Radio, al- Masirah Radio 105.5, and Sawt Al-Shaab Radio.^[31]

Print media

Print media have faced the most challenges during the ongoing war in Yemen. Newspapers and magazines have been in a difficult situation since 2011; 119 newspapers and magazines have disappeared since the war began, either terminated or suspended.^[32]

Print media are mostly controlled, owned, and financed by the government, Ansar Allah Houthis, and the Southern Transitional Council. These local de facto authorities and its media outlets are funded by regional players. Generally, these outlets struggle to continue issuing regularly, and most are published sporadically or with less frequency than usual.^[33]

Digital newspapers

There are about 149 active digital newspapers. Out of these, 118 are owned and financed by the parties to the conflict, and 31 are independent.^[34] The ongoing period of war in Yemen has witnessed the emergence of 82 new digital newspapers and magazines.

Online newspapers are the most populous outlets, since their personnel are more easily able to keep a low profile. Many journalists were able to overcome legal restrictions and establish digital newspapers, taking advantage of the absence of legislative texts restricting new media, especially since their issuance does not require a license from any authority.

However, the multiplicity of electronic platforms has been accompanied by many negative repercussions in this aspect, including the lack of professionalism and the decline in journalistic standards. To some extent, the digital newspapers have also limited contribution to following, monitoring and referencing important events, information and facts about Yemen, publishing some qualitative opinions and analysis.

Most digital newspapers in Yemen are now restricted by certain policies, often to their funders and supporters, which are many; currently it is rare to find professional digital newspapers committed to professional standards and morals. Most digital newspapers are lacking field correspondents in all the governorates of Yemen.

Numerous news websites have been set up in the aftermath of the Houthi takeover of the Yemeni capital Sana’a in late 2014.^[35] By 2018, the total number of active digital newspapers was about 177; however, only 65 of them were producing original content.^[36]

Conclusion

The Yemeni media landscape is dominated by war media and characterized by the propaganda of the local and regional war parties, and it is difficult to access facts and information, especially anything accurate or correct.

The media reflects the state of conflict that has been going on for nearly a decade; the sharp political divisions and fragmentation internally and regionally; the polarization, mobilization and political finance accompanying it; and most especially the external regional powers situated in the Middle East, including Saudi Arabia, Iran, the UAE and Qatar. All four of these countries have allocated budgets of hundreds of thousands to fund Yemeni media outlets. The media play a role in deepening conflict and fueling political violence and hatred, but at the same time, it gives Yemen’s public the opportunity to receive multiple different narratives and views. It becomes difficult for any of the parties to monopolize the entire landscape of the media for its own.

The key and influential outlets targeting Yemen’s public are owned and managed by Ansar Allah Houthis, the UN-recognized government, the Islah Party, the Southern Transitional Council, the National Resistance, and the General People’s Congress Party. This is in combination with the media outlets, especially television, directly affiliated with the regional states: Iran, Saudi Arabia, the UAE and Qatar, such as Al-Arabiya Al-Hadath, Al-Alam TV, Al-Jazeera, and Sky News Arabia, among others.

References

1. Please refer to the table attached in Annex A for a full list. ↑

2. International Federation of Journalists. (2023). Yemen: New study raises concerns over media independence and journalists’ rights. Yemen: New study raises concerns over media independence and journalists’ rights – IFJ ↑

3. Yemeni Journalists’ Syndicate. (2023).The Journalists Syndicate and the International Federation of Journalists made a survey on media ownership and independence in Yemen. نقابة الصحفيين والاتحاد الدولي للصحفيين يعدان دراسة مسحية حول ملكية واستقلالية وسائل الإعلام في اليمن ↑

4. Farea al-Muslimi. In Exile in Turkey, Yemen’s Muslim Brothers Cling to Caliphate Dreams. 23 May 2024. New Lines Magazine. In Exile in Turkey, Yemen’s Muslim Brothers Cling to Caliphate Dreams – New Lines Magazine ↑

5. Yemeni Journalists’ Syndicate. (2023).The Journalists Syndicate…cit. ↑

6. Yemeni Journalists’ Syndicate. (2023).The Journalists Syndicate…cit. ↑

7. Mohamed Abdel Dayem. Brutal repression disguised by law in Yemen. 29 September 2010. Committee to Protect Journalists, قمع وحشي مقنع بالقانون في اليمن – Committee to Protect Journalists ↑

8. Fanack. (2017). Media in Yemen…cit. ↑

9. Aseel Hassan. Has foreign support for the press in Yemen failed?. 24 July 2022, Al Jazeera Media Institute. هل فشل الدعم الأجنبي للصحافة في اليمن؟ | معهد الجزيرة للإعلام ↑

10. International Federation of Journalists. (2023). Yemen: New study…cit. ↑

11. Reporters Without Borders. (2024). Yemen. Yemen | RSF ↑

12. Reporters Without Borders. (2024). Yemen…cit. ↑

13. Aseel Hassan. (2022). Has foreign support…cit. ↑

14. Studies and Economic Media Center. (2017). Media Landscape Study. https://economicmedia.net/wp-content/uploads/2018/07/Media-Landiscape-Study-_-English-.pdf.pdf ↑

15. Studies and Economic Media Center. (2017). Media Coverage of the War in Yemen. https://economicmedia.net/EN/wp-content/uploads/2017/09/War-Media-Study-Yemen-.pdf ↑

16. Ashraf Rifi. Peace Journalism Faces Hate Speech and Incitement. 30 June 2021. International Center for Journalists. في اليمن.. صحافة السلام تواجه خطاب الكراهية والتحريض | شبكة الصحفيين الدوليين ↑

17. Studies and Economic Media Center. (2017). Media Coverage…cit. ↑

18. Shadi Yassin. Yemen Transitional Council’s Media… Pure propaganda. 29 September 2019. Alaraby. ↑

19. Burhan Ahmed. The Houthi Propaganda Discourse in the Media: A Study in Ideological and Intellectual Warfare. 10 June 2024. Sana’a Center for Strategic Studies. الخطاب الدعائي للحوثيين في الإعلام: دراسة في الحرب الأيديولوجية والفكرية – مركز صنعاء للدراسات الإستراتيجية ↑

20. Farea al-Muslimi. (2024). In Exile in Turkey…cit. ↑

21. Abu Bakr Batheeb. (2022). Journalists’ Adversity…cit. ↑

22. Aseel Hassan. (2022). Has foreign support…cit. ↑

23. Studies and Economic Media Center. (2017). Media Coverage…cit. ↑

24. Author unknown. Yemen’s media is echo of the chaos and contradictions of the war. 17 October 2022. Al-Arab.الإعلام اليمني.. صدى لضجيج الحرب وتناقضاتها | | صحيفة العرب. ↑

25. Abdul Jalil al-Salami. Yemeni Press, with all its components, is of secondary importance to the public. 2022. Voice of Hope. الصحافة اليمنية بكل مكوناتها ذات أهمية ثانوية للجمهور – صوت الأمل ↑

26. Studies and Economic Media Center. (2017). An Evaluative Study of the Professional Performance of Yemeni Visual Media. https://economicmedia.net/wp-content/uploads/2017/04/arabicmedia.pdf ↑

27. Studies and Economic Media Center. (2017). Media Landscape…cit. ↑

28. Fanack. (2017). Media in Yemen…cit.. ↑

29. Oral source: Yemeni businessman interviewed for this report. ↑

30. Oral source: Yemeni businessman interviewed for this report. ↑

31. For a full list of currently active radio stations in Yemen, please see Annex B. ↑

32. Studies and Economic Media Center. (2017). Yemeni Media Outlets…cit. ↑

33. For a full list of currently active print news outlets, see Annex C. ↑

34. Yemen Future. (2023). Yemen: A recent study reveals that 45% of media outlets stopped due to war and its effects. https://yemenfuture.net/news/14342 ↑

35. For a full list of digital newspapers, see Annex D. ↑

36. Yemen Youth Net. (2018). A recent study…cit. ↑
    

Annex A: Television channels in Yemen

Annex B: Radio channels in Yemen

Annex C: Print media in Yemen

Annex D: Online media in Yemen

Author

Abdullah Qaid

Abdullah Qaid is a Yemen-based freelance journalist and researcher with over 18 years of experience. Qaid has produced reports for television channels as well as print and digital media outlets including Yemen Today, Belqees TV, Al-needa and Al-Faisal. During his journalism and research career, Qaid has covered conflicts, human rights violations and corruption issues.

Editors

Theodore Southgate

Theodore Southgate is a freelance writer and editor who has been working in the field for over 15 years. He has worked across many different disciplines, from educational texts both for native and ESL schools to video game narratives, marketing articles, sports blogs, and novels. He is currently working alongside us as an editor for our ESL submissions.

Marius Dragomir

Marius Dragomir is the Director of the Media and Journalism Research Center (MJRC). He previously worked as director of the Center for Media, Data and Society at CEU in Budapest. Before, he worked for the Open Society Foundations (OSF) for over a decade, where he managed the research and policy portfolio of the Program on Independent Journalism (PIJ), formerly the Network Media Program (NMP), in London. He has also been one of the main editors for PIJ’s flagship research and advocacy project, Mapping Digital Media, which covered 56 countries worldwide, and he was the main writer and editor of OSF’s Television Across Europe, a comparative study of broadcast policies in 20 European countries.

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Media and Journalism Research Center

Media and Journalism Research Center (MJRC) is an independent media research and policy think tank that seeks to improve the quality of media policymaking and the state of independent media and journalism through research, knowledge sharing and financial support. The center’s main areas of research are regulation and policy, media ownership and funding, and the links between tech companies, politics and journalism.